نشریه سیاست پژوهی ایرانی
سال هفتم شماره 2 (پیاپی 24، تابستان 1399)

The purpose of the present study is to research about the policies of the European Union (E.U) and United States of America (U.S.A) towards the attack of Saudi-led coalition forces to Yemen. The main hypothesis of the study is that the E.U mostly aims to use legal and diplomatic solutions as well as national and international talks to resolve the crisis in Yemen but the U.S.A attempts to support Saudi policies and the military attack of Saudi-led coalition forces to handle the crisis with the purpose of defeating Ansarullah. This study was conducted by descriptive-analytical method and qualitative approach and the results showed that the Europeans and Americans hold that Houthi Movement in Yemen is under the influence and guidance of Islamic Republic of Iran so they attempt to prevent Iran’s penetration in the region and the establishment of a government like Iran. The Europeans assume that ongoing negotiations to end conflict and return to peace should be supported. Despite this announced policy by the E.U, the governments of Germany, France, and U.K are still continuing to sell their military weapons to Saudi Arabia and the U.A.E and do not want to lose this important market for selling their weapons. The Americans think that the stabilization of Houthi state in Yemen entails the spread of Iran’s penetration in the region and it will lead to the imbalance of power to the disadvantage of the U.S allies. The solution for the crisis in Yemen is to hold national talks between opposing parties and resolve conflicts in short term and long term under the supervision of the United Nation to decrease military tension and conflict and force the attacking military forces out of Yemen.

The purpose of the present study is to analyze the news representation of JCPOA from the perspective of three mainstream media (Kayhan, E’temad, and Hamshahri) during 2015 to 2016. The method of the study was qualitative and quantitative analysis of the data by targeted sampling of 300 pieces of news related to “JCPOA” using SPSS. The results showed that despite the importance of “JCPOA”, this term has not frequently and conspicuously been used in the headlines of the above newspapers; and has only been mentioned in economic and political contexts, regardless of its various aspects. Although the impartiality of the media has been emphasized, the above newspapers have adopted a biased approach towards “JCPOA”. On the other hand, news coverage by the above newspapers and their approach to “JCPOA” has not usually been analytical but more inclined to hard news and informational rather than educational and guiding approach.

Iran’s chaotic and critical condition as a result of war and political instability after Persian Constitutionalism made the idea of “powerful government” conspicuous. Realizing critical conditions back then, many political and intellectual elites followed the above idea, and by “enlightened absolutism” paved the way for the establishment of Reza Khan government. Malek al-Sho’ara’ Bahar was among those who proposed the above idea for the first time. In this regard, the present study aims to explore this subject using Skinner’s Hermeneutic Intentionalism. The purpose of this study is the realization of Bahar’s ideology of powerful government and its distinction with other common ideas within the last years of Qajar dynasty in that Bahar did not want to admit “powerful government” without basic principles of constitutionalism such as freedom, justice, and a powerful parliament. This study seeks to answer the following research questions: What was Bahar’s “motivation” for his tendency to the idea of “powerful government”? With regard to Bahar’s main “intention”, that is “anti-authoritarianism”, what was the difference between his perception of “powerful government” and the perception of society? As for the first hypothesis, the most important “motivation” of Bahar for tendency to the idea of “powerful government” was to fulfill “the expediency” of the country. Besides, Bahar followed the idea of “powerful constitutionalist government” with regard to the principle of constitutionalism in his intended powerful state.

The purpose of the present study is to investigate the relationship between ethics and politics in one of the noticeable governmental eras in Christian Europe during the Middle Ages, that is to say Charlemagne’s reign. This research aims to answer the following research questions: Was politics during Charlemagne’s reign based on the accurate observation of ethical principles inferred from Christianity? How much ethical and religious principles were effective on Charlemagne’s decision making and political function? The conceptual framework of the study is based on two likely relationships between ethics and politics, that is ethical politics and political ethics as the underlying criteria for the analysis of Charlemagne’s measures and functions. The method of the study was descriptive analysis and the results showed that despite theoretical advices of Christianity in terms of observing ethics in politics, Charlemagne did not really adhere to moral rules during his reign and his practical politics was based on meeting personal interests even at the cost of violating ethical principles.

The purpose of the present study is to explain the role of new middle class in the process of transition to democracy after Islamic revolution in Iran. In this regard, the main research question of the study is what effect the spread of new middle class has had on the process of transition to democracy in Iran. The method of the study was descriptive analysis and the results showed that vast economic and social modernization after the war between Iran and Iraq increased the youth population, the number of academically educated people, and the spread of new middle class in Iran that had an important role in paving the way for transition to democracy. The political and economic demands of this class reacted to the establishment that was not capable to meet their needs and it led to some sort of instability within the recent decades. Seeking development by the new middle class has brought about challenges for the political system of the country that is making transition to democracy more likely.

The purpose of the present study is to investigate bilateral ties between India-Eurasia (Russia and the United States) and India-Oceania in new world conditions and also to assess the gradual transformations of India effective in the above 2 regions using the theory of geopolitical region. The hypothesis is that bilateral relations in the triangle of India, U.S.A and Russia is of special importance with regard to the growing history of India in the international realm and an ongoing competition between the U.S.A and Russia to remain faithful to India. Furthermore, with respect to the efforts of New Delhi to become an influential world power, India will have to do more trades; therefore, it makes use of its close relations with Washington and Moscow. The method of the study is descriptive-analysis and the results showed that deteriorating relations between Russia and the U.S.A is a hindrance to achieve trilateral cooperation. Despite traditional friendship and mutual trust between India and Russia, it seems that relations between the two countries cannot meet the realities today. Although Washington and Moscow regard relationship with New Delhi as a sign of growing regional ties in India-Pacific Ocean and Eurasia, they face with a special resistance from the Indian counterpart when it comes to developing ties. China is considered as a key variable in the triangle model between the U.S.A, India, and Russia.